When a popular Republican governor is enveloped in a fundraising scandal,
her Democratic counterparts in the legislature would normally be raising a
noisy ruckus, scattering opprobrium across the news cycles. The
investigation into campaign fundraising by Gov. M. Jodi Rell's chief of
staff, M. Lisa Moody, and many commissioners has elicited the eerie sound of
silence from Democratic legislators.
There's a simple and dispiriting explanation: They regularly do far worse
than the soliciting Moody and the commissioners are accused of. And therein
lies the bigger scandal.
It is the custom of the leaders of both parties in the House and Senate to
raise most of their campaign funds from lobbyists and their clients. The law
requires them to take a break from that type of fundraising during the
legislative session, which starts next month. Until then, however, there is
a frenzy of dunning at the Legislative Office Building. More than 75 events
will have taken place between January and the day the legislative session
begins on Feb. 8.
The most aggressive, offending even thick-skinned lobbyists, are the House
Democrats, headed by Speaker of the House James Amann and House Majority
Leader Christopher Donovan. They have engaged their publicly funded staff in
a relentless effort to squeeze thousands out of people who will soon need
their assistance in passing or killing legislation.
The other caucuses have taken heed of the ethically sensitive times we live
in and conformed most, though not all, of their fundraising to the law. Not
the House Democrats. The proliferation of cellphones, for instance, allows
legislative employees to make calls from their desks without using telltale
state equipment.
Lobbyists have noted of late that the House Democrat staffers eschew even
this fiction. Caller IDs are full of solicitations from numbers in the LOB,
with menacing House Democrat functionaries on the other end of the line.
(Donovan's response Thursday: "No one from my staff has been calling from
the Capitol. We have an off-site office for them to go to.")
Amann and Donovan held events in Hartford a few days before Christmas that
were preceded by an insistent round of calls that did not fit the spirit of
the season. I was told that one House Democratic staffer warned those who
had not yet produced the dough that Donovan would be given a tally of their
offerings that afternoon.
Lobbyists who wandered into the LOB were likely to be accosted by House
Democratic staffers letting them know that they could raise money or find
themselves on the caucus "naughty list."
This, of course, was just weeks after the Democrats, along with their
accomplice Rell, congratulated themselves on driving lobbyists out of the
fundraising business. When the legislature banned lobbyist contributions and
stuck the public with the cost of campaigns, Donovan boasted erroneously,
"The people out there in Connecticut expect us to do our best. They trust in
us. ... And today is a little bit of a small declaration of independence by
us here in the General Assembly." It lasted for that day only, but no one
should be surprised.
Chief State's Attorney Christopher Morano's investigation of Moody and the
Rell commissioners should conclude soon, with fines more likely than
frog-marches. One mystery is why the head of the public integrity unit, star
lawyer Harry Weller, has not been leading the investigation.
There is plenty that Weller, a veteran of death penalty cases, could be
doing, however, to clean up the much larger morass at the legislature. The
trail is well-marked by the miscreants.
Start with the event ad book. That's the handy device that allows
corporations to contribute $250 to a political committee and claim it as a
business expense. In return, the business gets mentioned in a booklet that
is usually secreted away in some corner at the fundraising event. Getting a
fat ad book brings in a lot of loot. Often, the checks are delivered to the
legislative offices.
So look at the ads, figure out who lobbies for each business and go see
them. Lobbyists get especially nervous when investigators come to call. They
can never be quite certain what the topic, with so many to choose from, will
be. They will, however, be reluctant to engage in a cover-up for bossy
legislative employees. There are many tales to be told of the law being
flouted at the center of our government.
No wonder the speaker and the majority leader have been so quiet about the
Moody scandal. Compared to them, she's an amateur.
Kevin F. Rennie is a lawyer and a former Republican state lawmaker. His
column appears every Sunday on the Other Opinion page. He can be reached at
kfrennie @yahoo.com.